Hyderabad: In a stunning blow to the Revanth Reddy-led Congress government, the Telangana High Court on Thursday issued an interim stay on the state’s controversial decision to hike Backward Classes (BC) reservation to 42% in upcoming local body elections, plunging the already beleaguered poll process into deeper uncertainty. The ruling, which petitioners hailed as a victory for constitutional limits, has reignited accusations of social injustice against the BC community, whose members continue to lag behind in education, employment, and political representation despite comprising over 56% of the state’s population.

The court’s order came after intense hearings on petitions challenging Government Order (GO) Ms. No. 9, issued on September 26, which sought to elevate BC quotas from the existing 29% in education and employment—and 34% in local bodies—to a uniform 42% across sectors. Petitioners argued that the move would push total reservations (including 15% for Scheduled Castes and 10% for Scheduled Tribes) beyond the Supreme Court-mandated 50% ceiling, reaching a staggering 67%.

“This isn’t affirmative action; it’s a breach of equality,” senior counsel K. Vivek Reddy told the bench, emphasizing the lack of empirical data and failure to follow the “triple test” laid down by the apex court in cases like K. Krishna Murthy vs. Union of India.Chief Justice Aparesh Kumar Singh’s division bench, while granting the government four weeks to file a counter-affidavit, questioned the haste in implementation.

“The commission’s report was never published for objections. Where is the transparency?” the court remarked, staying the quota’s application pending further hearings. The decision effectively stalls the Telangana State Election Commission’s (SEC) notification for rural local body polls, originally slated to begin on October 9 in five phases through November 11.

A Cascade of Delays: Gram Panchayats in Limbo, Villages on the Brink

The stay prolongs further what has already been a protracted saga of delays in Telangana’s grassroots democracy. Gram panchayat elections, the bedrock of village administration, were first mandated by the High Court in June to conclude by September 30—over 20 months after the previous terms expired in January 2024. Justice T. Madhavi Devi had lambasted the government for “inordinate delays,” directing the completion of BC reservation processes within 30 days and polls within three months thereafter.
Yet, the state’s push for enhanced quotas, tied to a fresh caste survey revealing BCs’ 56.33% population share, derailed timelines repeatedly—from initial plans for July-August polls to the missed September deadline.Local body elections, encompassing Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituencies (MPTCs) and Zilla Parishad Territorial Constituencies (ZPTCs), faced similar roadblocks.
The SEC had finalized 5,773 MPTC seats and 566 ZPTC/MPP seats across 12,778 gram panchayats and over 1.12 lakh wards, with 1.67 crore voters poised to participate. But with the quota stay, the entire schedule—polling on October 23, 27, 30; November 4 and 8—hangs in the balance. “We’ve set the stage for printing ballots, set up stations, but now what?” lamented an SEC official, speaking anonymously.

Fallout on village administration

The fallout on village administration is stark and immediate. With elected bodies dissolved, special officers—often district bureaucrats—have been thrust into sarpanch roles, leading to administrative paralysis. Welfare schemes under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY) have stalled, with funds from the Centre—estimated at Rs 1,500 crore annually—frozen due to the absence of elected representatives.
In districts like Warangal and Khammam, where BC-dominated villages form the majority, reports of unpaved roads, uncollected garbage, and delayed water projects are rampant. “Our village has no voice. The special officer visits once a month—if that—and ignores our pleas for irrigation repairs,” said P. Lakshmi, a BC farmer from a Khammam gram panchayat. Activists warn of a deepening rural crisis: “Villages are suffering in silence. This delay isn’t just electoral; it’s a denial of basic governance.

“BCs’ Enduring Lag: A Promise Unfulfilled?
At the heart of the controversy is the persistent marginalization of Telangana’s Backward Classes, a diverse group of over 112 castes spanning agricultural laborers, artisans, and small traders. The state’s Socio-Economic, Educational, Employment, Political, and Caste (SEEEPC) survey, conducted in November 2024, painted a grim picture: Despite their demographic heft, BCs hold just 18-20% of government jobs, under 15% of higher education seats, and minimal political clout.
Sub-groups like Group A (agricultural castes such as Goudas and Yadavs) and Group B fare marginally better, but Groups C, D, and E—encompassing nomadic and denotified tribes—remain woefully underrepresented, with literacy rates below 60% in many pockets.The Revanth Reddy government’s 42% quota pledge, rooted in a March 2025 One-Man Commission report by retired IAS officer Busani Venkateshwara Rao, was billed as a “historic step” toward equity.
Yet, the High Court’s intervention underscores the legal hurdles, echoing Supreme Court dismissals of similar pleas from states like Bihar and Maharashtra. BC leaders, undeterred, vow protests. “We’ve waited decades. This stay is a slap to our aspirations,” thundered R. Krishnaiah, president of the Telangana BC Welfare Association, announcing a potential statewide bandh.
Cabinet Snub: Where’s Justice for Prominent BC Voices?
Compounding the discontent is the glaring underrepresentation of key BC communities in the state cabinet, a sore point for a government that rode to power on social justice rhetoric. The 15-member Revanth Reddy cabinet, expanded in June 2025 with inductees like Vakiti Srihari (BC-Mudiraj), Ponnam Prabhakar (BC), and Konda Surekha (BC), boasts only three BC ministers—far short of the community’s size.
Prominent castes like have zero cabinet berths, fueling charges of favoritism toward Reddy-dominated upper castes.”Revanth Reddy promised a casteless society, but his cabinet mirrors the old biases,” alleged BC activist M. Mallesh from Nalgonda. The snub extends to legislative roles: No BC minister holds key portfolios. Some cabinet slots still vacant, pressure mounts from within Congress ranks for inclusions from these groups, alongside minorities and Scheduled Tribes like Lambadas, who also lack representation.

Revanth’s Crossroads: Pledges Amid the Storm
Facing a potential electoral backlash in the delayed polls—where Congress eyes a sweep to consolidate rural bases—Chief Minister Revanth Reddy reiterated his commitment in a late-night X post: “The fight for 42% BC quota is for justice, not politics. We will appeal and win, ensuring no community is left behind. To our BC brothers and sisters—Goudas, Yadavs, Mudirajs, and all others—your time is coming.
Enhanced scholarships, skill centers, and cabinet expansions are next. Village governance will resume stronger, with your voices at the helm.”As the state braces for legal battles and street agitations, the verdict exposes the fragile tightrope between progressive intent and judicial restraint. For Telangana’s villages, gasping under delayed democracy, the real shocker isn’t just the stay—it’s how long they’ve waited for the promised “people’s government” to deliver.
With the next hearing six weeks away, the clock ticks louder on a crisis that could redefine the Congress’s social justice legacy.